Monday, October 31, 2011

Karachi: un fantôme aux portes de l'Elysée....




Un protagoniste inattendu et insaisissable a surgi dans l'enquête des juges Renaud Van Ruymbeke et Roger Le Loire sur les dessous des ventes d'armes du gouvernement Balladur. Il s'agit d'un fantôme. Son nom : Akim Rouichi, mort il y a seize ans. Comme l'a révélé Le Pointde cette semaine, ce militant associatif de Garges-lès-Gonesse (Val d'Oise) avait été chargé d'espionner des membres de la campagne présidentielle d'Edouard Balladur pour le compte des réseaux chiraquiens, en 1995, selon des témoignages recueillis ces dernières semaines par les policiers de la Division nationale des investigations financières (Dnif).

Akim Rouichi avait-il fait des découvertes compromettantes sur Nicolas Sarkozy et sur d'autres ministres du gouvernement Balladur? Son frère, François Rouichi, qui a décidé de briser plus de quinze ans de silence, le laisse entendre aujourd'hui à Mediapart.
A. RouichiA. Rouichi© (dr)
Ancien responsable de l'UMP à Garges-lès-Gonesse, François Rouichi assure qu'il avait surpris, en 1995, une conversation de son frère avec l'un de ses "officiers traitant" des Renseignements généraux (RG) durant laquelle il évoquait «l'autre de Neuilly», avant de citer son nom — Nicolas Sarkozy —, comme étant impliqué dans les troubles dessous financiers des ventes d'armes du gouvernement Balladur. Et il rapporte que son frère avait alors fait état de l'existence d'une société au Luxembourg, surnommée «la tirelire», qui aurait été liée à M. Sarkozy.
Auteur d'écoutes téléphoniques clandestines compromettantes pour plusieurs personnalités du camp Balladur -écoutes que les enquêteurs recherchent activement depuis plusieurs jours-, Akim Rouichi a été retrouvé pendu en août 1995 au domicile de l'une de ses sœurs, à Pierrefitte-sur-Seine (Seine-Saint-Denis).
A rebours des conclusions de la police et de la justice, sa famille n'a jamais cru que le jeune homme s'était donné la mort. Elle continue aujourd'hui de penser qu'il a été "suicidé", peut-être à cause des missions secrètes dont il a été chargé en pleine guerre homérique entre deux clans de la droite, les chiraquiens et les balladuriens.
D'après les éléments recueillis par les policiers, Akim Rouichi aurait été "traité" par deux anciens agents des services de renseignements français, l'un aux RG, l'autre à la DST, qui travaillaient en sous-main pour le clan Chirac. Pour mener à bien sa mission clandestine, il s'était vu confier tout l'attirail du parfait espion : scanner fréquentiel, numéros des téléphones portables visés, codes de déchiffrement pour les appareils cryptés et les agendas des "cibles".
Le jeune homme serait ainsi parvenu à surprendre pendant plusieurs mois les conversations de François Léotard, alors ministre de la défense du gouvernement Balladur, de son conseiller spécial Renaud Donnedieu de Vabres, de Charles Pasqua, ministre de l'intérieur, de l'ancien patron de Thomson, Alain Gomez, et de Jacques Douffiagues, ancien président d'un office d'armement, la Sofresa, récemment décédé.
Voici notre entretien vidéo avec François Rouichi :

Des écoutes clandestines sur des ministres

Ces personnalités sont au cœur des investigations des juges Van Ruymbeke et Le Loire. Depuis bientôt un an, les deux magistrats enquêtent sur l'existence, au sein du gouvernement Balladur, d'un système de détournement d'argent lié à deux marchés d'armement - l'un avec le Pakistan, l'autre avec l'Arabie saoudite - mis en place fin 1994 dans le but de financer de manière occulte la campagne présidentielle de l'ancien premier ministre. Voire, pour certains, de s'enrichir personnellement.
N. BazireN. Bazire© Reuters
Plusieurs personnes sont aujourd'hui mises en examen dans ce dossier qui remonte jusqu'à l'Elysée, parmi lesquelles le marchand d'armesZiad Takieddine, l'un des principaux intermédiaires sur les ventes d'armes incriminées, et deux intimes de Nicolas Sarkozy, à l'époque ministre du budget du gouvernement : son ancien collaborateur à Bercy, Thierry Gaubert, et l'ancien directeur de cabinet de M. Balladur, Nicolas Bazire, qui fut témoin de mariage du président de la République avec Carla Bruni, en 2008.
Au moins deux témoins directs ont affirmé ces derniers jours sur procès-verbal aux policiers de la Dnif avoir entendu le fruit de ces écoutes illégales d'Akim Rouichi. Il s'agit de François Rouichi, le frère de l'espion improvisé, et Jean-Charles Brisard, ancien responsable de la cellule "Jeunes" de la campagne d'Edouard Balladur.
En effet, en avril 1995, se disant «lâché» par les réseaux chiraquiens, Akim Rouichi est venu monnayer son trésor clandestin aux équipes d'Edouard Balladur. Arrivé au siège de campagne, rue de Grenelle, le jeune homme avait demandé à voir le directeur de la campagne, Nicolas Bazire. Il fut orienté ailleurs.
Et c'est finalement Jean-Charles Brisard qui l'a reçu, a pris connaissance de son histoire folle et a écouté des extraits de ses enregistrements pirates, en présence d'un témoin, dit-il aujourd'hui à Mediapart, avant de rédiger une note adressée Nicolas Bazire.
«J'ai reçu à sa demande il y a quelques jours une personne dénomée Akim Rouichi (...). Celui-ci nous a présenté un ordinateur contenant des enregistrements sonores de conversations téléphoniques interceptées. Ces enregistrements concernaient notamment MM. François Léotard et Renaud Donnedieu de Vabres, ainsi que plusieurs dirigeants d'entreprises d'armement», peut-on lire dans cette note aujourd'hui entre les mains des policiers.
Le document, daté du 5 avril 1995, a été publié par Le Pointdans son édition du 27 octobre:

Les révélations du frère

«Je n'ai eu aucun retour sur ma note, malgré le fait que je sollicitais des instructions», explique M. Brisard à Mediapart, qui confirme avoir reconnu, stupéfait, les voix de MM. Léotard et Donnedieu de Vabres dans les enregistrements qu'il a pu entendre. Le contrat des sous-marins Agosta vendus au Pakistan, au cœur de l'enquête des juges, et une histoire de livraison de missiles à l'Iran viaChypre, alimentaient certaines conversations, selon Jean-Charles Brisard. Devenu consultant international spécialisé dans le terrorisme, il dit toutefois n'avoir pas entendu parler de commissions occultes dans les extraits qu'il a écoutés.
Ce n'est pas le cas de François Rouichi, frère et confident d'Akim, que Mediapart a rencontré à deux reprises les 27 et 28 octobre. «Je me souviens très bien d'une discussion entre Pasqua et Léotard. L'un demandait à l'autre si le contrat était signé et s'il allait toucher sa commission. L'autre lui a dit que oui. Puis le premier a dit qu'il ne fallait surtout pas qu'un troisième soit au courant, comme s'ils se faisaient de l'argent sur le dos de quelqu'un», avance aujourd'hui le quadragénaire, ancien directeur d'un centre social.
© Reuters
Selon son récit, Akim Rouichi s'est très rapidement pris au jeu et, au fil des mois, aurait même été destinataires, grâce à ses « sources » policières, de documents compromettants sur les ventes d'armes françaises. Pour quelles raisons précises ? François Rouichi ne le sait pas.
Les années ont passé et les souvenirs ne sont pas toujours très nets dans son esprit. Il évoque néanmoins l'existence d'un document de la Sofresa, office d'armement qui a eu à gérer le versement au réseau Takieddine des commissions occultes du contrat des frégates saoudiennes Sawari 2, et d'un autre document lié, lui, à une société luxembourgeoise. «Mon frère me les a montrés», jure-t-il.
Puis il lâche ce qui pourrait ressembler à une bombe, si ces allégations venaient à être confirmées. «C'est là que mon frère a évoqué, alors qu'il était au téléphone avec une de ses sources aux RG, un homme qu'il appelait "l'autre de Neuilly", avec un nom à consonance étrangère qui venait de l'Est. Je pensais à un nom polonais. Puis il a cité son nom. Il l'a cité au moment où il a eu entre les mains ce document sur une société au Luxembourg, qu'il appelait "la tirelire"»,confie François Rouichi. M. Rouichi avoue qu'il ne savait pas à l'époque qui était Nicolas Sarkozy. Les choses, depuis, ont changé...
«Le document comportait un texte et un chiffrage, cela apparaissait comme une sorte de compte bancaire. Mon frère l'appelait "la tirelire". L'"autre de Neuilly" était dedans, d'après mon frère», assure François Rouichi, qui ne se sait pas si Nicolas Sarkozy a fait partie des personnalités écoutées.Aucun élément matériel ne vient aujourd'hui corroborer ce témoignage, les enquêteurs recherchant les écoutes pirates réalisées en 1995.

Vrai ou faux suicide ?

C'est la première fois que François Rouichi parle de «l'autre de Neuilly», dit-il. Il n'en avait rien dit aux policiers qui l'ont entendu sur l'affaire, le 13 octobre. Il a alors hésité à se confier, assure-t-il à Mediapart, mais a préféré «fermer sa gueule». «J'avais peur, glisse-t-il. Cela fait quinze ans que quand on parle de cette histoire, on nous prend pour des fous ou des menteurs. Aujourd'hui il faut que je le dise. Devant les policiers, j'avais la peur de citer quelqu'un qui est peut-être au-dessus de tout. Mais je dois le faire pour mon frère et pour que cette personne (Nicolas Sarkozy, ndlr) sache que quelqu'un sait».
Il se dit prêt aujourd'hui à coucher sur procès-verbal ces nouvelles confidences, s'il venait à être convoqué de nouveau par les enquêteurs.
© (Reuters)
L'apparition d'une société luxembourgeoise dans les propos de M. Rouichi est pour le moins troublante.Selon un rapport de la police luxembourgeoise de janvier 2010, Nicolas Sarkozy, ministre du budget, et Nicolas Bazire, alors à Matignon, auraient en effet supervisé et validé la création au Luxembourg d'une société-écran, baptisée Heine, par laquelle ont justement transité les commissions occultes du réseau Takieddine sur le contrat des sous-marins pakistanais.
Or, Ziad Takieddine est soupçonné d'avoir redistribué une partie de cet argent noir pour des financements politiques.
Dans leur enquête qui prend désormais des allures de thriller invraisemblable, les juges sont donc partis à la recherche des enregistrements clandestins d'Akim Rouichi. Car selon François Rouichi, son frère avait fait des copies sur des disquettes informatiques. «Ces disquettes ont été remises d'une part à nos avocats, du cabinet Lombard, et d'autre part à la secrétaire de Jean-Luc Mano, alors directeur de l'information à Antenne 2, qui n'en a rien fait», explique-t-il.
Jean-Luc Mano, cité par Le Point, dément catégoriquement. Quant au cabinet Lombard, il dément aussi, par la voix de Me Olivier Baratelli, contacté par Mediapart. «Nous n'avons jamais entendu parlé de ces enregistrements», affirme l'avocat.
Le mystère reste donc entier ; et ce n'est pas le seul. Les magistrats ont également chargé les policiers de la Dnif d'éclaircir les circonstances de la mort d'Akim Rouichi.
La famille Rouichi, persuadée qu'Akim a été "suicidé", avait déjà chargé en 1996 le cabinet de l'avocat Paul Lombard de déposer plainte pour «assassinat» devant le doyen des juges du tribunal de grande instance de Bobigny.

« La République a les pieds dans le sang ».

Une instruction, confiée au juge Noël Miniconi, avait finalement débouché deux ans plus tard sur un non-lieu et conclu au suicide d'Akim Rouichi, notamment sur la foi d'un rapport de l'Institut médico-légal de Paris du 29 août 1995 qui se concluait ainsi : «Il résulte que la mort de M. ROUICHI Akim est consécutive à sa pendaison. L'autopsie n'a pas relevé d'éléments infirmant la thèse du suicide».
Entendue le 21 janvier 1997 par le juge Miniconi, l'une des sœurs d'Akim Rouichi, Suzanne (aujourd'hui décédée), avait cependant évoqué les enregistrements clandestins sur le camp Balladur et s'était étonnée que «que le cartable de son frère soit vide alors qu'il contenait des disquettes», selon le procès-verbal de son audition obtenu par Mediapart. Les révélations de la jeune femme ne semblent pas avoir beaucoup piqué la curiosité du magistrat, à la lecture du PV de deux pages.
MM. Léotard, Juppé et BalladurMM. Léotard, Juppé et Balladur© Reuters

«Il y avait notamment des documents concernant des conversations téléphoniques entre M. Pasqua et M. Léotard, faisant état de missiles vendus à l'étranger, que mon frère avait pu écouter, avait pourtant assuré le témoin devant le juge. Mon frère avait reçu la visite de fonctionnaires du ministère de l'intérieur lui demandant de ne pas en parler (...) C'est à la suite de ces problèmes d'écoutes que mon frère m'a dit qu'il craignait pour sa vie, qu'il se sentait épié».
«Convaincue qu'on a aidé (son) frère à mourir», Suzanne Rouichi avait indiqué au juge ne pas savoir si la mort de son frère était directement liée aux écoutes ou à un différend avec une famille de leur quartier.
Mais pour Suzanne, comme pour sa mère, Rachida, ou ses frères, une chose semble certaine : Akim ne s'est pas suicidé. Deux éléments les interpellent. D'abord, l'une des lettres retrouvées sur les lieux de la découverte du corps, adressée à une certaine Sophie (qui serait l'ex-secrétaire de Jean-Luc Mano), ne comporte aucune faute d'orthographe. «C'est l'écriture de mon frère (...) Il a dû faire des efforts car il n'y a pas de faute alors qu'il en faisait dix à la ligne».
La lettre, qui fait état de problèmes sentimentaux, se termine ainsi : «Je prends le temps de t'écrire avant de partir. Ils m'ont tué et toi tu m'as achevé». François Rouichi est formel, la "Sophie" en question n'a jamais été la petite amie de son frère. Une deuxième lettre a également été retrouvée près du corps. Elle commence par les mots «mes dernières volontés» et comporte la mention «Je regrette le suicide».
Ensuite, Suzanne a dit au juge Miniconi avoir découvert - et photographié - à l'emplacement du cadavre «des traces de sang» et «une grande flaque au sol qui avait coulé jusqu'aux toilettes et des projections aux murs». La mère du d'Akim Rouichi a même évoqué dans le cabinet du magistrat l'existence de «tâches sur le haut des portes».
D'après les résultats d'une expertise médicale en date du 24 novembre 1997, signée par le Dr Jean-Pierre Campana (voir ci-dessous), la flaque en question «évoque les liquide brunâtres qui s'écoulent des corps putréfiés, la décomposition provoquant toujours une liquéfaction de tissus». De fait, le corps d'Akim Rouichi a été découvert plusieurs jours après la pendaison, vraie ou fausse.
«Une flaque de l'importance de celle que l'on voit sur les photographies, à supposer qu'elle était sanguine, aurait impliqué une hémorragie externe très importante et donc une plaie bien visible», précise encore le rapport, dont les constations finales «sont en faveur d'un suicide».
Contacté, le juge de l'époque, Noël Miniconi, aujourd'hui en poste à Lyon, dit se souvenir «difficilement» de l'affaire, mais garde en mémoire qu'il n'y avait «pas d'éléments dans le dossier qui permettaient de conclure à autre chose qu'un suicide».
Pour le frère d'Akim Rouichi, il faut reprendre l'enquête du début. «Mon frère était menacé. Il est allé trop loin dans son "enquête". Ses sources lui avaient demandé d'arrêter. Il ne l'a pas fait. Il soupçonnait l'une d'entre elles de jouer un double jeu. Il avait tellement peur qu'il était allé se planquer chez l'une de nos sœurs, là où on l'a retrouvé pendu», raconte-t-il.
Puis il ajoute : «La République Francaise a les pieds dans le sang».....

Thursday, October 27, 2011

Multiple casing activities of government buildings during San Antonio intelligence conference. Mossad fingered....


Multiple casing activities of government buildings during San Antonio intelligence conference. Mossad fingered....


October , 2011 -- San Antonio court house break-in has national security ramifications...


Retired CIA sources in Texas tell us that the recent break-in of the Bexar County Court House in San Antonio was not the work of a few drunk French nationals, said to be of Moroccan descent, but part of a larger intelligence operation directed against the United States by a foreign intelligence service, reportedly that of Israel.

On October 22, 2011, WMR reported: "although they broke into a court house and were, allegedly, French citizens of Moroccan descent, charges against three of the five 'tourists' were dropped by Bexar County Magistrate Judge Amalia 'Molly' Cavazos" The decision puzzled the Bexar County Sheriff's office and the county district attorney's office.

The incident at the Bexar County Court House also worries U.S. Representative Henry Cuellar, a member of the House Homeland Security Committee. Cuellar KSAT-TV in San Antonio that the night before the "French" nationals broke into the court house, a Turkish national was detained for suspiciously taking photographs of the old main post office building, which is next to the Alamo. Like the French nationals, the Turkish national was said to be a tourist.

Sources believe the presence of the "French" nationals in the court house was related to the nearby
GEOINT Symposium, billed as the nation's largest annual intelligence event, at the Henry B. Gonzalez Convention Center was related to the operations of the team at the court house.

The word is that law enforcement and U.S. intelligence are prohibited from arresting and bringing charges against Israeli intelligence agents in the United States, even if the agents are found to be involved in operations that impact on U.S. national security and threaten the safety of American citizens. To pursue Israeli intelligence operations, against an unwritten prohibition, is for an FBI or CIA agent to sign his or her own professional death sentence, with a charge of "anti-Semitism" sealing the fate of anyone who dares challenge the "hands-off" policy on Israeli agents.

We received the following from a veteran U.S. intelligence source in Texas:

"Too many unanswered questions. The charges against the three were dropped by a Magistrate Judge even before the search of the RV was completed. I can't help but wonder if they installed some type of listening devices inside of the Court House? Also, if it is the Court House that I am thinking of, there is a direct line of sight to the Henry B. Gonzalez Convention Center. If it is that specific Court House then they could have easily installed a micro-transmitter capable of intercepting signals intelligence from the National Geospatial Intelligence Convention somewhere in the Court House, which has yet to be discovered. Their computers would have the requisite receivers and they could have lingered in the area and picked up intelligence from the convention center. I also find it interesting that the charges were dropped by a Magistrate Judge before the RV was searched and before the computers could have been gone through. The five are probably on their way to whatever their next destination is.
It is a long drive from NY JFK to Miami to pick up one person. Where did they stop on the way? Why did they drive to Miami instead of one person getting a flight from MIA to JFK? How long did it take the four to get to Miami from JFK? When did they make their reservations for the RV in New Jersey? Why did the Feds back off and leave the case to the Bexar County Prosecutor? The Feds could have put a "hold" on the 5 or at a minimum the three. The only conclusion that one can reach is that there are multiple unanswered questions that even a minor league Intel officer would pursue. Did the FBI put GPS tracking on their RV? If not, why not? Nothing about this case stands up to any scrutiny. If three regular people were caught breaking into the exact same Court House they would face charges of 'Breaking and entering,' 'Burglary' or 'Criminal Mischief,' but they would not have all charges dropped. I would be interested if they are being tracked via GPS that could yield a lot of information and prove what they are really up to. No reason not to track them in the first instance."

Israel appears to have learned its lesson from past intelligence exposures on U.S. soil. By using nationals of France and Turkey, both of which have an ample number of sayanim, Jewish collaborators for Israeli intelligence, Israeli consular officials can avoid the diplomatic and public relations fallout, such as what arose after arrests across the country of Israeli "art students," "movers," and mall kiosk vendors. Instead of Israeli diplomats with egg on their faces, that fell to French and Turkish consular officers in Texas. There was also the odd report that the French consulate in Dallas was contacted to handle the matter of the five burglars at the San Antonio Court House. However, the French are represented in Dallas by an Honorary Consul, hardly the sort of individual who would get involved in a potential criminal matter involving French nationals. France maintains a full consulate in Houston.

The five French nationals arrested claimed not to be conversant in English, however, they were all proficient in English. Israelis, when arrested, often claim to not understand English, which results in a delay in interrogations until Israeli diplomatic officials can bail them out.

We also received the following item of interest from intelligence sources in Texas: "This district for U.S. District Courts [Hipolito F. Garcia Federal Building and U.S. Courthouse, Southern District of Texas] has more CIA operatives in it than anywhere else in Texas outside of Houston. I am told that. St. Mary's Law School in San Antonio is a major player in security and terror. In reading this story, couple the highest ranking Mossad spy in Texas with that program at St. Mary's."




....
November , 2011 -- More on "innocent" pranksters/MOSSAD in San Antonio....

Bexar court invasion far from a prank.....

The case involving a night time break-in of the Bexar County court house in San Antonio is developing into a much more sinister operation as more details become known.

On October 25, 2011, WMR reported: "Retired CIA sources in Texas tell WMR that the recent break-in of the Bexar County Court House in San Antonio was not the work of a few drunk French nationals, said to be of Moroccan descent, but part of a larger intelligence operation directed against the United States by a foreign intelligence service, reportedly that of Israel . . . Sources believe the presence of the "French" nationals in the court house was related to the nearby
GEOINT Symposium, billed as the nation's largest annual intelligence event, at the Henry B. Gonzalez Convention Center was related to the operations of the team at the court house."

WMR has now been informed by law enforcement sources in Texas of the following concerning the break-in: "[A]
further analysis of the photo of the two men walking down the hall in the Bexar County Courthouse: At the top left it indicates:
CH32.10.11.11.1:14AM. As I interpret that data, it is Camera 32 and the photo was taken at 1:14 AM which is consistent with the alleged entry at or about 0100, which means that the photo released to the media is only one of many others and was, by the reports, taken 14 minutes after the alarm on the fire escape went off. Both men are carrying boxes and the front man has what appears to be a pouch hanging from his belt on his right side.
. . . blowing up the photo to 400 percent and tracing the lines on the left arm of the last man and just above the wrist joint, it flares out. He was wearing gloves. The same for the front person. If you look at the position of the arms on the man in front he had his arms in the same position as the man in the back and was carrying a box also. Two men, two Boxes, two sets of gloves, two Sombreros, 14 minutes after entry."


T
wo of the five "drunk Frenchmen" seen on court house security cameras.

The conclusion of law enforcement in Texas who are not trained. i.e., brainwashed,| by the Israelis is that there was something in the boxes being carried by the "drunk Frenchmen" and it is reminiscent of suspicious Israeli "art student" and "mover" behavior around federal and state buildings prior to 9/11. However, considering that the FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration, and the military were ordered to "stand down" on pursuing criminal investigations of pre-9/11 Israeli intelligence activities, it is unlikely that further proof that the Bexar court house break-in will go anywhere since San Antonio judges and law enforcement officials appear to be taking their orders from elsewhere on the "drunk Frenchmen...."


The Dönmeh: The Middle East’s Most Whispered Secret .....


The Dönmeh: The Middle East’s Most Whispered Secret (Part I).

25.10.2011

Wayne MADSEN (USA)
Strategic-Culture.org



There is a historical “eight hundred pound gorilla” lurking in the background of almost every serious military and diplomatic incident involving Israel, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Greece, Armenia, the Kurds, the Assyrians, and some other players in the Middle East and southeastern Europe. It is a factor that is generally only whispered about at diplomatic receptions, news conferences, and think tank sessions due to the explosiveness and controversial nature of the subject. And it is the secretiveness attached to the subject that has been the reason for so much misunderstanding about the current breakdown in relations between Israel and Turkey, a growing warming of relations between Israel and Saudi Arabia, and increasing enmity between Saudi Arabia and Iran…

Although known to historians and religious experts, the centuries-old political and economic influence of a group known in Turkish as the “Dönmeh” is only beginning to cross the lips of Turks, Arabs, and Israelis who have been reluctant to discuss the presence in Turkey and elsewhere of a sect of Turks descended from a group of Sephardic Jews who were expelled from Spain during the Spanish Inquisition in the 16th and 17th centuries. These Jewish refugees from Spain were welcomed to settle in the Ottoman Empire and over the years they converted to a mystical sect of Islam that eventually mixed Jewish Kabbala and Islamic Sufi semi-mystical beliefs into a sect that eventually championed secularism in post-Ottoman Turkey. It is interesting that “Dönmeh” not only refers to the Jewish “untrustworthy converts” to Islam in Turkey but it is also a derogatory Turkish word for a transvestite, or someone who is claiming to be someone they are not.

The Donmeh sect of Judaism was founded in the 17th century by Rabbi Sabbatai Zevi, a Kabbalist who believed he was the Messiah but was forced to convert to Islam by Sultan Mehmet IV, the Ottoman ruler. Many of the rabbi’s followers, known as Sabbateans, but also “crypto-Jews,” publicly proclaimed their Islamic faith but secretly practiced their hybrid form of Judaism, which was unrecognized by mainstream Jewish rabbinical authorities. Because it was against their beliefs to marry outside their sect, the Dönmeh created a rather secretive sub-societal clan.

The Dönmeh rise to power in Turkey

Many Dönmeh, along with traditional Jews, became powerful political and business leaders in Salonica. It was this core group of Dönmeh, which organized the secret Young Turks, also known as the Committee of Union and Progress, the secularists who deposed Ottoman Sultan Abdulhamid II in the 1908 revolution, proclaimed the post-Ottoman Republic of Turkey after World War I, and who instituted a campaign that stripped Turkey of much of its Islamic identity after the fall of the Ottomans. Abdulhamid II was vilified by the Young Turks as a tyrant, but his only real crime appears to have been to refuse to meet Zionist leader Theodore Herzl during a visit to Constantinople in 1901 and reject Zionist and Dönmeh offers of money in return for the Zionists to be granted control of Jerusalem.

Like other leaders who have crossed the Zionists, Sultan Adulhamid II appears to have sealed his fate with the Dönmeh with this statement to his Ottoman court: “Advise Dr. Herzl not to take any further steps in his project. I cannot give away even a handful of the soil of this land for it is not my own, it belongs to the entire Islamic nation. The Islamic nation fought jihad for the sake of this land and had watered it with their blood. The Jews may keep their money and millions. If the Islamic Khalifate state is one day destroyed then they will be able to take Palestine without a price! But while I am alive, I would rather push a sword into my body than see the land of Palestine cut and given away from the Islamic state.” After his ouster by Ataturk’s Young Turk Dönmeh in 1908, Abdulhamid II was jailed in the Donmeh citadel of Salonica. He died in Constantinople in 1918, three years after Ibn Saud agreed to a Jewish homeland in Palestine and one year after Lord Balfour deeded Palestine away to the Zionists in his letter to Baron Rothschild.

One of the Young Turk leaders in Salonica was Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founder of the Republic of Turkey. When Greece achieved sovereignty over Salonica in 1913, many Dönmeh, unsuccessful at being re-classified Jewish, moved to Constantinople, later re-named Istanbul. Others moved to Izmir, Bursa, and Ataturk’s newly-proclaimed capital and future seat of Ergenekon power, Ankara.

Some texts suggest that the Dönmeh numbered no more than 150,000 and were mainly found in the army, government, and business. However, other experts suggest that the Dönmeh may have represented 1.5 million Turks and were even more powerful than believed by many and extended to every facet of Turkish life. One influential Donmeh, Tevfik Rustu Arak, was a close friend and adviser to Ataturk and served as Turkey’s Foreign Minister from 1925 to 1938.

Ataturk, who was reportedly himself a Dönmeh, ordered that Turks abandon their own Muslim-Arabic names. The name of the first Christian emperor of Rome, Constantine, was erased from the largest Turkish city, Constantinople. The city became Istanbul, after the Ataturk government in 1923 objected to the traditional name. There have been many questions about Ataturk’s own name, since “Mustapha Kemal Ataturk” was a pseudonym. Some historians have suggested that Ataturk adopted his name because he was a descendant of none other than Rabbi Zevi, the self-proclaimed Messiah of the Dönmeh! Ataturk also abolished Turkey’s use of the Arabic script and forced the country to adopt the western alphabet.

Modern Turkey: a secret Zionist state controlled by the Dönmeh

Ataturk’s suspected strong Jewish roots, information about which was suppressed for decades by a Turkish government that forbade anything critical of the founder of modern Turkey, began bubbling to the surface, first, mostly outside of Turkey and in publications written by Jewish authors. The 1973 book, The Secret Jews, by Rabbi Joachim Prinz, maintains that Ataturk and his finance minister, Djavid Bey, were both committed Dönmeh and that they were in good company because “too many of the Young Turks in the newly formed revolutionary Cabinet prayed to Allah, but had their real prophet [Sabbatai Zevi, the Messiah of Smyrna].” In The Forward of January 28, 1994, Hillel Halkin wrote in The New York Sun that Ataturk recited the Jewish Shema Yisrael (“Hear O Israel”), saying that it was “my prayer too.” The information is recounted from an autobiography by journalist Itamar Ben-Avi, who claims Ataturk, then a young Turkish army captain, revealed he was Jewish in a Jerusalem hotel bar one rainy night during the winter of 1911. In addition, Ataturk attended the Semsi Effendi grade school in Salonica, run by a Dönmeh named Simon Zevi. Halkin wrote in the New York Sun article about an email he received from a Turkish colleague: “I now know – know (and I haven’t a shred of doubt) – that Ataturk’s father’s family was indeed of Jewish stock.”

It was Ataturk’s and the Young Turks’ support for Zionism, the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, after World War I and during Nazi rule in Europe that endeared Turkey to Israel and vice versa. An article in The Forward of May 8, 2007, revealed that Dönmeh dominated Turkish leadership “from the president down, as well as key diplomats . . . and a great part of Turkey’s military, cultural, academic, economic, and professional elites” kept Turkey out of a World War II alliance with Germany, and deprived Hitler of a Turkish route to the Baku oilfields.” In his book, The Donme: Jewish Converts, Muslim Revolutionaries and Secular Turks, Professor Marc David Baer wrote that many advanced to exalted positions in the Sufi religious orders.

Israel has always been reluctant to describe the Turkish massacre of the Armenians by the Turks in 1915 as “genocide.” It has always been believed that the reason for Israel’s reticence was not to upset Israel’s close military and diplomatic ties with Turkey. However, more evidence is being uncovered that the Armenian genocide was largely the work of the Dönmeh leadership of the Young Turks. Historians like Ahmed Refik, who served as an intelligence officer in the Ottoman army, averred that it was the aim of the Young Turks to destroy the Armenians, who were mostly Christian. The Young Turks, under Ataturk’s direction, also expelled Greek Christians from Turkish cities and attempted to commit a smaller-scale genocide of the Assyrians, who were also mainly Christian.

One Young Turk from Salonica, Mehmet Talat, was the official who carried out the genocide of the Armenians and Assyrians. A Venezuelan mercenary who served in the Ottoman army, Rafael de Nogales Mendez, noted in his annals of the Armenian genocide that Talat was known as the “renegade Hebrew of Salonica.” Talat was assassinated in Germany in 1921 by an Armenian whose entire family was lost in the genocide ordered by the “renegade Hebrew.” It is believed by some historians of the Armenian genocide that the Armenians, known as good businessmen, were targeted by the business-savvy Dönmeh because they were considered to be commercial competitors.

It is not, therefore, the desire to protect the Israeli-Turkish alliance that has caused Israel to eschew any interest in pursuing the reasons behind the Armenian genocide, but Israel’s and the Dönmeh’s knowledge that it was the Dönmeh leadership of the Young Turks that not only murdered hundreds of thousands of Armenians and Assyrians but who also stamped out Turkey’s traditional Muslim customs and ways. Knowledge that it was Dönmeh, in a natural alliance with the Zionists of Europe, who were responsible for the deaths of Armenian and Assyrian Christians, expulsion from Turkey of Greek Orthodox Christians, and the cultural and religious eradication of Turkish Islamic traditions, would issue forth in the region a new reality. Rather than Greek and Turkish Cypriots living on a divided island, Armenians holding a vendetta against the Turks, and Greeks and Turks feuding over territory, all the peoples attacked by the Dönmeh would realize that they had a common foe that was their actual persecutor.

Challenging Dönmeh rule: Turkey’s battle against the Ergenekon

It is the purging of the Kemalist adherents of Ataturk and his secular Dönmeh regime that is behind the investigation of the Ergenekon conspiracy in Turkey. Ergenekon’s description matches up completely with the Dönmeh presence in Turkey’s diplomatic, military, judicial, religious, political, academic, business, and journalist hierarchy. Ergenekon attempted to stop the reforms instituted by successive non-Dönmeh Turkish leaders, including the re-introduction of traditional Turkish Islamic customs and rituals, by planning a series of coups, some successful like that which deposed Prime Minister Necmettin Erbakan’s Refah (Welfare) Islamist government in 1996 and some unsuccessful, like OPERATION SLEDGEHEMMER, which was aimed at deposing Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan in 2003. Some Islamist-leaning reformists, including Turkish President Turgut Ozal and Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit, died under suspicious circumstances. Deposed democratically-elected Prime Minister Adnan Menderes was hanged in 1961, following a military coup.

American politicians and journalists, whose knowledge of the history of countries like Turkey and the preceding Ottoman Empire, is often severely lacking, have painted the friction between Israel’s government and the Turkish government of Prime Minister Erdogan as based on Turkey’s drift to Islamism and the Arab world. Far from it, Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) seem to have finally seen a way to break free from the domination and cruelty of the Dönmeh, whether in the form of Kemalist followers of Ataturk or nationalist schemers and plotters in Ergenekon. But with Turkey’s “Independence Day” has come vitriol from the Dönmeh and their natural allies in Israel and the Israel Lobby in the United States and Europe. Turkey as a member of the European Union was fine for Europe as long as the Dönmeh remained in charge and permitted Turkey’s wealth to be looted by central bankers like has occurred in Greece.

When Israel launched its bloody attack on the Turkish Gaza aid vessel, the Mavi Marmara, on May 31, 2010, the reason was not so much the ship’s running of the Israeli blockade of Gaza. The brutality of the Israelis in shooting unarmed Turks and one Turkish-American, some at point blank range, according to a UN report, indicated that Israel was motivated by something else: vengeance and retaliation for the Turkish government’s crackdown on Ergenekon, the purging of the Turkish military and intelligence senior ranks of Dönmeh, and reversing the anti-Muslim religious and cultural policies set down by the Dönmeh’s favorite son, Ataturk, some ninety years before. In effect, the Israeli attack on the Mavi Marmara was in retaliation for Turkey’s jailing of several top Turkish military officers, journalists, and academics, all accused of being part of the Ergenekon plot to overthrow the AKP government in 2003. Hidden in the Ergenekon coup plot is that the Dönmeh and Ergenekon are connected through their history of being Kemalists, ardent secularists, pro-Israeli, and pro-Zionist.

With tempers now flaring between Iran on one side and Israel, Saudi Arabia, and the United States on the other, as the result of a dubious claim by U.S. law enforcement that Iran was planning to carry out the assassination of the Saudi ambassador to the United States on American soil, the long-standing close, but secretive relationship between Israel and Saudi Arabia is coming to the forefront. The Israeli-Saudi connection had flourished during OPERATION DESERT STORM, when both countries were on the receiving end of Saddam Hussein’s Scud missiles....